That was at the beginning when Oct 7 first happened and as expected Israel was seething but they've allowed supplies. NOW PLEASE listen to one of your sisters actually in the hell HAMAS has created. Don't pull a VIVEK and say she is a planted IDF soldier please.Israel.
On Oct 9 they declared their plan, which they've implemented. You can't make it more obvious then declaring and bragging about it followed with legit reports by multiple human rights organizations.
This is targeted directly at civilians, its both terrorism and genocidal in intent and practice.
You've been given the information, if someone accused me of supporting a group intent on genocide you'd bet your ass I'd be looking at the records, their statements and the reports, as I've done to see if there is any evidence of genocidal intent by Hamas. You should do the same for the group you're backing. Read the reports.
Israel vows complete siege of Gaza, cutting off food and fuel, as Hamas fires rockets
HRW and Eur Med Monitor.
Israel: Starvation Used as Weapon of War in Gaza
The Israeli government is using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare in the occupied Gaza Strip, which is a war crime. Israeli forces are deliberately blocking the delivery of water, food, and fuel, while willfully impeding humanitarian assistance.www.hrw.org
Seventy-one per cent of Gaza’s population experiences extreme hunger, Euro-Med Monitor study says
Seventy-one per cent of Gaza’s population experiences extreme hunger, Euro-Med Monitor study sayseuromedmonitor.org
Israel at war
- Thread starter Butler1000
- Start date
People are eating grass in Gaza, that's not Hamas.
I find your attempts to blame Hamas for Israel's policy of the starvation of Gaza disgusting.
There are 2 million people starving to death in Gaza, I'm sure everyone is pissed as hell and blaming everyone for not distributing the tiny amounts let through. But this is entirely the policy and goal of Israel. A policy you are clearly supporting.
1 million of Gaza are children being starved on purpose by Israel.
Israel is actually inviting the aid organizations to send more trucks and guaranteeing that they will be sent through. It's the aid organizations that are falling short and Hamas is stealing the food.
You have me all wrong. I have nothing against supplies going into Palestine for its civilians. If Hamas soldiers and supporters are starved or killed, I have no sympathy.
Aren't you going to apologize for supporting the people who attacked that poor girl?
That’s hysterical text. You can’t get much more cloying. Isn’t this the mother of the girl who you let us know your sexual fantasies about?
Classy Mandy, classy.
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Nobody but the die hard Israel supporters believe that, mandrill.
Israel destroyed all the bakeries, all the warehouses, attacked farms, took out solar cells and has deliberately starved gaza.
Under international pressure, Israel opened the Rafah land crossing; however, the crossing is open to an average of just 100 trucks per day, for humanitarian supplies coming from Egypt. This is a far cry from the average load of 500 trucks that entered the Strip prior to 7 October to meet humanitarian needs. It is important to note that roughly half of the Gaza Strip’s population is children under the age of 18.
Although a limited amount of food aid has been allowed to enter the enclave, no commercial food imports have been delivered, leaving the Gaza Strip’s residents in dire need of food, particularly in light of the Israeli collective punishment policy.
Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor stressed that international humanitarian law strictly prohibits the use of starvation as a weapon. As an occupying power, Israel is obligated under international humanitarian law to provide basic needs and protection to the Gazan people.
The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court provides that intentionally starving civilians by “depriving them of objects indispensable to their survival, including willfully impeding relief supplies” is a war crime, said the Geneva-based rights group. Euro-Med Monitor called for decisive international action to impose a permanent ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and prevent further deterioration of the situation by providing fair and unrestricted access to basic and relief materials to the entire Strip, and allowing the entry of food, water, medical, and fuel supplies in order to meet the needs of the population.
Did Netanyahu have to say she's screaming inside because she's not actually screaming?
Or is she screaming because Netanyahu will kill off the rest of the hostages because he won't stop or its the end of his career?
What spin.
In 10 weeks you have only criticized Hamas for the starvation taking place.
You are supporting Israel's genocide through starvation.
Think the court will have to rule whether there is genocide?
If so, you'd think it would be one's moral duty to act against genocide.
Just apologize once for supporting the people who did this, Klatty. Just once. Let us know that you're a decent person.
Show me some proof that Israel "destroyed all the bakeries".....
What did they do, Frankie? Send an F-16 to drop a bomb on each corner bakery?.... FFS! It gets dumber and dumber with you.
As well as an atrocity, the October 7 massacre was a media sensation. With the use of $150 GoPros strapped to its terrorist foot soldiers, Hamas thrust its obscenities into almost every news channel, paper and feed in the world. If you wanted to understand the democratisation of broadcasting through a single event, this was it.
In the Israel-Palestine conflict, the disequilibrium of military power is such that the battlefield outcome is predetermined: Israel cannot lose; Hamas cannot win. Beyond a single surprise attack, Hamas cannot fill screens with mass Israeli dead and force Israel to stop. Instead, it proffers its own dead to the world to make global condemnation force Israel to stop.
At the centre of Hamas’s media operation sits Al-Aqsa (literally “furthest mosque”), the name of Hamas’s TV channel, radio station and social media channels (though the latter have mostly been banned). Funded by Hamas’s general budget — which comes from siphoning off aid that comes into the Strip, foreign countries such as Iran and Qatar, and its own tax collecting — it began broadcasting in Gaza in 2006 after Hamas came to power. By the time the terrorist group launched its October 7 attack, Al-Aqsa’s various channels were broadcasting everything from news and drama to children’s entertainment. From its inception, however, all of the network’s content has been informed by a two-pronged strategy.
The first concerns indoctrination in the service of resistance, and has a particular focus on inculcating antisemitism and anti-Israeli activity into children. An instructive example is Tomorrow’s Pioneers, which features Farfour the Mouse, a costumed character with a high-pitched voice who bounds about squeaking joyously, simulating firing AK-47s and throwing hand grenades. “You and I are laying the foundation for a world led by Islamists,” he tells his young viewers. “We will return the Islamic community to its former greatness, and liberate Jerusalem, God willing, liberate Iraq, God willing, and liberate all the countries of the Muslims invaded by the murderers.” In 2007, Farfour’s story arc sadly ended with him being beaten to death by an Israeli interrogator. It was, the show’s producer said, intended to usher in a new direction for the programme.
Al Aqsa has featured a series of music videos aimed at radicalising children. In one, a four-year-old girl is seen singing to her “mother”, identified as “mother Reem” (an apparent reference to Hamas’s first female suicide bomber Reem Riyashi). Later in the video, the woman blows herself up, killing four Israeli soldiers. After her mother carries out the attack, the little girl holds an explosive and sings to the camera: “I am following Mommy in her steps.”
In the Israel-Palestine conflict, the disequilibrium of military power is such that the battlefield outcome is predetermined: Israel cannot lose; Hamas cannot win. Beyond a single surprise attack, Hamas cannot fill screens with mass Israeli dead and force Israel to stop. Instead, it proffers its own dead to the world to make global condemnation force Israel to stop.
At the centre of Hamas’s media operation sits Al-Aqsa (literally “furthest mosque”), the name of Hamas’s TV channel, radio station and social media channels (though the latter have mostly been banned). Funded by Hamas’s general budget — which comes from siphoning off aid that comes into the Strip, foreign countries such as Iran and Qatar, and its own tax collecting — it began broadcasting in Gaza in 2006 after Hamas came to power. By the time the terrorist group launched its October 7 attack, Al-Aqsa’s various channels were broadcasting everything from news and drama to children’s entertainment. From its inception, however, all of the network’s content has been informed by a two-pronged strategy.
The first concerns indoctrination in the service of resistance, and has a particular focus on inculcating antisemitism and anti-Israeli activity into children. An instructive example is Tomorrow’s Pioneers, which features Farfour the Mouse, a costumed character with a high-pitched voice who bounds about squeaking joyously, simulating firing AK-47s and throwing hand grenades. “You and I are laying the foundation for a world led by Islamists,” he tells his young viewers. “We will return the Islamic community to its former greatness, and liberate Jerusalem, God willing, liberate Iraq, God willing, and liberate all the countries of the Muslims invaded by the murderers.” In 2007, Farfour’s story arc sadly ended with him being beaten to death by an Israeli interrogator. It was, the show’s producer said, intended to usher in a new direction for the programme.
Al Aqsa has featured a series of music videos aimed at radicalising children. In one, a four-year-old girl is seen singing to her “mother”, identified as “mother Reem” (an apparent reference to Hamas’s first female suicide bomber Reem Riyashi). Later in the video, the woman blows herself up, killing four Israeli soldiers. After her mother carries out the attack, the little girl holds an explosive and sings to the camera: “I am following Mommy in her steps.”
In 2009, Al-Aqsa published Hamas’s first feature-length film, which celebrated the life and death of an Al-Qassam Brigade militant from the first intifada. The movie encouraged “mosque youth” to act as informants for Hamas-controlled intelligence organisations. Another video segment carried an interview with a son of Umm Nidal, a Gazan whose four sons became suicide bombers. “I ask all Muslim sisters, mothers and daughters and sisters, that the Al Aqsa expects us, the next generation, to fall into line for it, God Willing and Exalted,” he says. “Do not withhold from us the commanders, do not withhold from us the soldiers, and do not withhold from us lovers of martyrdom.” Perhaps unsurprisingly, in 2016, the US State Department named Fathi Hamad, Al-Aqsa TV’s founder and director, a “Specially Designated Terrorist” because the station’s continual airing of “programs designed to recruit children to become Hamas armed fighters and suicide bombers”.
The second prong of Hamas’s media strategy centres on its role as a competent governing force in Gaza, highlighting the various state functions it claims to fulfil. Popular programmes include EayanA alaAldifa (Eyes on the West Bank), which is concerned with the issues of people in West Bank, Ashab al-ard (Landowners), which deals with problems of ordinary Gazans, and Nafidhat Al-khayr (The Goodness Way), which highlights the humanitarian issues and support given by Hamas to families in need.
In recent years, this emphasis has gradually bled over onto its social media channels; a study of Hamas’s X account from 2015 to 2018 found that the group mostly posted about “its internal governance and foreign policy, with the smallest focus on resistance”. And just as on television, all this output is tightly controlled. In 2014, Hamas Interior Ministry offered guidelines to “social media activists” via a video from its official website. “Anyone killed or martyred is to be called a civilian from Gaza or Palestine,” it ordered. “Before we talk about his status in jihad or his military rank, don’t forget to always add ‘innocent civilian’ or ‘innocent citizen’ in your description of those killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza.”
It continued: “Begin [your reports of] news of resistance actions with the phrase ‘In response to the cruel Israeli attack”, and conclude with the phrase ‘This many people have been martyred since Israel launched its aggression against Gaza’. Be sure to always perpetuate the principle of ‘the role of the occupation is attack’, and we in Palestine are fulfilling [the role of] the reaction.”
Yet as with so much in the region, this all changed on October 7. That day, Al-Aqsa broadcast footage of burning cars in Israeli towns alongside a video of a group of young Israeli men with arms tied behind their backs. “This picture is your picture, this night is your night, this flood is your flood, and this blessed action is for all of you,” the anchor declared triumphantly. The programme then cut to a message from the deputy chief of Hamas’s political bureau Saleh al-Arouri, who called for an uprising in the West Bank: “[The IDF] won’t be able to attend to confrontations on other fronts,” he promised.
The second prong of Hamas’s media strategy centres on its role as a competent governing force in Gaza, highlighting the various state functions it claims to fulfil. Popular programmes include EayanA alaAldifa (Eyes on the West Bank), which is concerned with the issues of people in West Bank, Ashab al-ard (Landowners), which deals with problems of ordinary Gazans, and Nafidhat Al-khayr (The Goodness Way), which highlights the humanitarian issues and support given by Hamas to families in need.
In recent years, this emphasis has gradually bled over onto its social media channels; a study of Hamas’s X account from 2015 to 2018 found that the group mostly posted about “its internal governance and foreign policy, with the smallest focus on resistance”. And just as on television, all this output is tightly controlled. In 2014, Hamas Interior Ministry offered guidelines to “social media activists” via a video from its official website. “Anyone killed or martyred is to be called a civilian from Gaza or Palestine,” it ordered. “Before we talk about his status in jihad or his military rank, don’t forget to always add ‘innocent civilian’ or ‘innocent citizen’ in your description of those killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza.”
It continued: “Begin [your reports of] news of resistance actions with the phrase ‘In response to the cruel Israeli attack”, and conclude with the phrase ‘This many people have been martyred since Israel launched its aggression against Gaza’. Be sure to always perpetuate the principle of ‘the role of the occupation is attack’, and we in Palestine are fulfilling [the role of] the reaction.”
Yet as with so much in the region, this all changed on October 7. That day, Al-Aqsa broadcast footage of burning cars in Israeli towns alongside a video of a group of young Israeli men with arms tied behind their backs. “This picture is your picture, this night is your night, this flood is your flood, and this blessed action is for all of you,” the anchor declared triumphantly. The programme then cut to a message from the deputy chief of Hamas’s political bureau Saleh al-Arouri, who called for an uprising in the West Bank: “[The IDF] won’t be able to attend to confrontations on other fronts,” he promised.
