Lets have a closer look at this. When Bob Rae got elected, he had to deal with Peterson's Sun King spending. Not only that, Peterson sold off the future 407 to his and Mulroney's buddies. He did it to offset construction costs, I was taken by complete surprise when Harris activated the clause. The 1988 Federal election was the most vicious that I can remember. Mulroney's separatist allies went on full attack mode, there was a cartoon from a Montreal paper depicting English Canada as Klansmen buring a Fleur de Lis cross. Eventually Elijah Harper wouldn't give them what Mulroney promised. Primacy within Canada (Meech Lake) and the right to opt out of the country at any time. Mulroney was pissed! Not only did Rae defeat his good buddy, he was also against Meech Lake. So Mulroney did everything he could to destroy Ontario's economy, the 1991 - 95 Mild Depression was the worst in Ontario's history. Rae did what he had to do, can't fault him for that.
I doubt Justin will attempted to sabotage a Horwath government, should it happen. Especially after Ford went full Trump and showed him complete disdain.
Let's have a closer look look at what you just wrote!! What a bizarre analysis ...
What a load of crap!! About Muloroney did everything he could to destroy Ontario economy! As a revenge of failed Meech lake accord! Typical leftie trying to spin failed Meech Lake accord as a Mulroney's revenge on Ontario economy !!
The first prominent opposition, as reported by the media, was from former Prime Minister Pierrre Trudeau, who had led the effort for drafting and approval of the 1982 constitution. In an open letter published in both the Toronto Star and Le Devoir on May 26, 1987, Trudeau attacked the Accord as a capitulation to provincialism and the end of any dream of "One Canada". Portraying "patriation" as the equalization of the bargaining power of Federal and provincial governments that would allow Canada to survive indefinitely, Trudeau wrote that the new agreement made further devolution of powers inevitable. He referred to Mulroney as a "weakling," the Premiers as "snivelers," and invoked Bourassa's previous reneging of the Victoria Charter as suggesting that the Accord would be the beginning of concessions to Quebec and provincial interests.[12]
Trudeau's well-known position as an ardent Federalist and a prominent Québécois helped express the opposition to the Accord for many of its opponents. He generated concerns with the Accord in other groups that had embraced the Charter, such as First Nations ethnic communities and women.[13] His position created turmoil in the Federal and provincial Liberal parties, with the federal party split largely on linguistic lines, shaking John Turner's already fragile leadership.
As the final agreement was to be drawn up in Ottawa on June 2, 1987, Trudeau's intervention had made him, in the words of Mulroney advisor L. Ian Macdonald, a "twelfth participant".[15] The meeting, seen as a formality to precede a signing ceremony the next day, instead lasted 19 hours.
Manitoba NDP Premier Howard Pawley, faced with left-wing opposition to the consensus in his home province, insisted on more limited language regarding Federal spending power in the final agreement.[17] Ontario Premier David Peterson, as the sole Liberal at the table, did not have support for it by most of his caucus (including his main adviser, Ian Scott). They opposed the consensus, and proposed a variety of amendments to the federal spending power and the distinct society clauses.[14] Pawley and Peterson agreed to follow each other's lead or back out together, to avoid either being seen as the cause of the collapse of talk.[18] They asked Mulroney to take a harder line on Federal powers.[10]
Trudeau's intervention had also created a separate backlash: Mulroney and the other eight Premiers, insulted by what they saw as undue interference, aggressively embraced the previous consensus.
Opponents of the Accord took issue with both the process and ultimate results of the negotiations. Process objections focused on the agreement being negotiated in circumstances considered to be opaque and undemocratic: the amendments were effectively drafted and agreed to by the eleven Premiers themselves in two meetings and were presented to their legislatures as a fait accompli. Some academics described the Accord as resulting from an exercise in "elite accommodation" not compatible with a more democratic Canada.[26] Aside from Quebec, no province held public hearings on the Accord until opposition began to sprout.
Some critics said that "distinct society" focus unbalanced the Federation, creating a "special status" for Quebec that would lead to asymmetrical federalism and the possible decline of the English-speaking community in Quebec and Francophones elsewhere in Canada.
Aboriginal, feminist, and minority groups worried that the clause could be interpreted by courts to allow the Quebec government to disregard sections of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and of other constitutional protections in the name of preserving the province's culture.
Aboriginal groups were opposed to the amendments that involved constitutional change, as they had not had any representation in negotiations.[27]
Former Prime Minister Trudeau and similar critics argued that the further devolution of powers was unnecessary and did not result in any "trade-off" with the Federal government. Rather, the Accord reduced its ability to speak for all Canadians on matters of national interest.
Western and Atlantic Canada particularly objected to the lack of more substantive reforms in how the Senate membership was chosen, especially as the Accord required further Senate reform to be subject to unanimous approval by the provinces.
On the other hand, activists seeking sovereignty for Quebec were also unhappy; they generally opposed the agreement, believing that "recognition of Quebec as a distinct society" would be only moderately useful. They thought acceptance of the agreement would forestall devolution of further powers.
Don't forget what Rae's mistakes did to Ontario
https://www.theglobeandmail.com/rep...t-raes-mistakes-did-to-ontario/article731811/
Bob Rae says he might have been too ambitious as the NDP premier of Ontario in the early 1990s, might have tried to do too much. He says again that he might have made mistakes. ("There are always things that you could improve on," he told columnist John Ibbitson in Saturday's Globe and Mail. "But don't beat yourself up over it.") Real regrets? Yes, he has a few -- too few to mention.
Were Mr. Rae far removed from high public office, he could be forgiven his delusions. As a candidate for the leadership of the Liberal Party, he can't.
He still doesn't get it. The question isn't whether Mr. Rae made mistakes. Of course he did. And the question isn't what his mistakes have done to him. It's what they did to others. The question is whether he has ever understood the harm he caused, and wept. The question is whether he has ever felt either contrite or penitent.
Mr. Rae took a shallow, two-quarter recession and turned it into an ugly, four-year Ontario recession that devastated thousands of lives. Lost jobs. Lost homes. Lost savings. Lost businesses. In the end, Mr. Rae's recession invited comparisons to the Great Depression. The number of people still working in the province at the end of 1994, for example, was less than the number working at the beginning of 1990 -- the only five-year period that this had happened since the 1930s. (Mr. Rae assumed office in October, 1990; he left in June, 1995.)
Although he gave bailouts to a few big companies, he ravaged small business, the province's most important source of new jobs. In the five years from 1985 through 1989, before Mr. Rae, 790,000 of the province's 900,000 net new jobs were in companies with fewer than 100 people. Even in the recession of 1981-84, when big companies dropped 130,000 workers, the number of people employed by small firms in Ontario grew by 193,000. During Mr. Rae's term, 100,000 people who worked for small businesses lost their jobs. When Mr. Rae shut down Ontario's energetic small businesses, the province idled.
"the recession," attributing Ontario's decline to recession in the United States. Yet no other jurisdiction experienced anything approaching the destruction that Ontario endured. U.S. gross domestic product, by the way, expanded 1.9 per cent in 1990. Not a boom year but definitely not a bust year, either. In 1991, Mr. Rae's first full year in office, U.S. GDP fell -- all of 0.2 per cent. In 1992, Mr. Rae's second full year, U.S. GDP grew 3.3 per cent.
You can't blame two slightly negative quarters in the United States for Mr. Rae's four years of deeply negative recession in Ontario -- for the record-high unemployment in 1992 and 1993, for the record-high budgets deficits for 1992, 1993, 1994 and 1995, for the record-high provincial debt, for the two downgrades in Ontario's credit rating (in 1991 and 1993). And you can't blame the rest of Canada, either.
You can isolate Ontario's performance with a "jobs index" that compares the Rae record with the U.S. record and the rest of Canada record. Give a base value of 100 to each of the three jurisdictions in 1989, the year before Mr. Rae took office. A 1-per-cent increase in jobs in 1990, in any jurisdiction, will produce a reading of 101; a 1-per-cent decrease will produce a reading of 99.
Here are the numbers for the first three Rae years. For 1990, U.S., 101; rest of Canada, 101; Ontario, 99.5. For 1991: U.S., 100; rest of Canada, 100; Ontario, 96. For 1992, U.S., 101; rest of Canada, 100; Ontario, 95.5. It didn't get any better. What do these numbers mean? If Ontario had grown at the same rate as the rest of Canada, and the United States, another quarter million people would have had jobs.
As bizarre as it now appears, Mr. Rae raised taxes in the midst of his own recession -- making it all much worse. With some help from his predecessor, Liberal premier David Peterson, Ontario raised personal income tax rates seven percentage points in six years. When Mr. Rae finished, Ontario had the highest marginal personal income tax rate (for incomes of $67,000 and higher) in North America.
Mr. Rae delivered good times for a privileged public sector. In 1990, the province had 850,000 public sector workers; in 1995, 950,000. Perhaps Mr. Rae assumed you can swap 100,000 jobs in small businesses for 100,000 jobs in the public sector -- and then pay them all higher salaries. You can't. As provincial revenue fell, Mr. Rae borrowed to pay the bills he himself had generated. Mr. Peterson borrowed $3-billion in 1990-91. Mr. Rae borrowed $10-billion in 1991-92; $12-billion in 1992-93; $11-billion in 1993-94; and $10-billion in 1994-95. Single-handedly, he tripled the province's debt.
Single-handedly, he held interest rates aloft -- indifferent to the Bank of Canada's efforts to control inflation, indifferent to the fact that a one-percentage-point drop in interest rates produces 25,000 jobs in Ontario.
We remember.