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Volodymyr Zelenskyy accused of authoritarian slide after anti-corruption raids

oil&gas

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Politicians, activists and diplomats accuse Ukraine’s leader of favouring loyalists and using wartime powers against critics


Christopher Miller
July 18, 2025

Anti-corruption raids on prominent Ukrainian figures and moves to favour loyalists in senior positions have led to accusations that President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s government is sliding into authoritarianism.

Zelenskyy and his top aides face allegations from politicians, activists and diplomats that they are using extraordinary powers granted under martial law to sideline critics, muzzle civil society leaders and consolidate control.

The outcry has grown since masked, heavily armed officers from Ukraine’s State Bureau of Investigation (SBI) forced their way into the home of prominent anti-corruption campaigner Vitaliy Shabunin in Kharkiv last Friday, seizing phones, laptops and tablets.

Around the same time, SBI investigators and armed agents raided the home of former infrastructure minister Oleksandr Kubrakov in Kyiv, taking his mobile and other devices. Authorities said the searches were connected to corruption investigations.

Shabunin and Kubrakov labelled the raids as politically motivated, adding that the SBI had presented no court-issued warrants and would not allow time for their lawyers to be present for the searches.

Shabunin told the Financial Times: “Zelenskyy is using my case to send a message to two groups that could pose a threat to him. The message is this: if I can go after Shabunin publicly — under the scrutiny of the media and despite public support — then I can go after any one of you.”

“The first group are journalists or activists exposing corruption,” he added. “The second group is military personnel. Because the charges against me relate to my military service.”

Political allies and even detractors of Shabunin and Kubrakov, along with much of Ukraine’s civil society, condemned the raids and warned they appear to be part of a campaign by Zelenskyy’s office against critics.

“This is a straight-up, Russian-style scenario of dividing society, which could lead to protests in the streets,” said MP Oleksandra Ustinova, chair of the Ukrainian parliament’s commission on arms control and an adviser to the defence minister.

The raids followed sanctions against several prominent politicians, including former president Petro Poroshenko, who lost a re-election campaign to Zelenskyy in 2019 and has been a staunch critic since.

Earlier this month, Zelenskyy’s cabinet opted not to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky, a detective with the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (Nabu), to lead the Economic Security Bureau, which investigates economic crimes.

Tsyvinsky had been independently selected, but the cabinet claimed he was “not suitable”.

Anastasia Radina, an MP from Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party and head of parliament’s anti-corruption committee, said the government had “no authority” to reject Tsyvinsky and the move did “not comply with the law”.

Also this month, the president nominated first deputy prime minister Yulia Svyrydenko to lead his cabinet, replacing long-serving premier Denys Shmyhal. Svyrydenko is considered a close ally of Andriy Yermak, Zelenskyy’s chief of staff. Svyrydenko was approved by parliament on Thursday, making her Ukraine’s new prime minister.

The shift comes at a precarious time for Ukraine, which is trying to fight off an escalating Russian air and ground offensive, shore up US military support and reboot its government.

Ukrainian activists, independent media and western officials in Kyiv have warned that what began as a defence of sovereignty risks sliding into a crusade to reshape the state in the ruling circle’s image. They say this threatens to undermine progress on reform since Ukraine’s 2014 democratic revolution.

Zelenskyy’s office declined to comment, but a person close to the president said the SBI’s cases were fact-based and dismissed any suggestions of political motivation.

The SBI said its case against Shabunin “is well-founded and supported” by a Tuesday decision by a district court in Kyiv, which ordered the campaigner not to leave his place of military service and to relinquish documents allowing him to travel abroad.

Shabunin and Kubrakov, whose cases are not directly connected, have both vehemently denied the charges against them.

The case of Shabunin, a co-founder and head of the board of the Kyiv-based Anti-Corruption Action Centre (AntAC), is focused on accusations of draft evasion and fraud. The SBI accused him of dodging the draft and misusing military funds, crimes punishable by up to 10 years in prison.

Shabunin’s lawyer, Olena Shcherban, said the case was built on a distortion of his military record. She maintained the investigation was illegal and designed to smear an activist who had exposed corruption in the government.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, Shabunin volunteered for the Territorial Defence Forces. From September 2022 to February 2023 he was seconded to the National Agency for Corruption Prevention. AntAC said his deployment was formally approved and fully legal.

Shcherban maintains Shabunin’s pay matched government guidelines for mobilised troops and that he never received combat bonuses. She condemned the seizure of electronics belonging to his wife and children, calling the raid a coercive and extrajudicial act.

“These weren’t searches,” said Daria Kaleniuk, executive director of AntAC. “They were intimidation tactics. This wasn’t about justice. It was about pressure.”

Shabunin and his supporters believe the move is retribution for AntAC’s investigations into high-level corruption and its criticism of Zelenskyy’s cabinet after it rejected Tsyvinsky’s appointment at the ESB.

A longtime anti-corruption campaigner, Shabunin has been a thorn in the side of several administrations.

Some in Zelenskyy’s office have accused AntAC of being “grant eaters”, a term used to smear non-profit groups that accept funding from western governments.

The case against Shabunin ignited outrage across Ukraine’s pro-reform community. Leading independent media published scathing editorials.

“Taking advantage of the war, Zelenskyy is making his first, yet confident, steps towards corrupt authoritarianism,” wrote the editorial board of Ukrainian Truth, Ukraine’s most-read online news outlet.

“A crackdown on the country’s most famous anti-corruption crusader can’t be happening without at least the silent approval from President Zelenskyy, if not active permission,” the English-language Kyiv Independent said.

The president’s top political rivals followed suit. Kyiv’s mayor Vitali Klitschko warned that “under the guise of war, the authorities persecute those deemed inconvenient: political opponents, local governments, experts, journalists and activists”.

Kubrakov’s case centres on allegations that he helped a Ukrainian lawmaker embezzle about $350,000 in a scheme to purchase fertilisers in Belarus. He said he has “absolutely no connection” with the lawmaker and was fully co-operating with law enforcement.

A person close to Kubrakov said they believed the searches of his home amounted to “revenge” for a criminal corruption probe opened this month into a close Zelenskyy ally, deputy prime minister Oleksiy Chernyshov.

Investigators believe Kubrakov may have blown the whistle on Chernyshov, which the former has denied. Chernyshov has denied accusations of taking part in a $24mn land fraud.

Shabunin also cited the case as a reason for the authorities going after him. “Zelenskyy feels vulnerable. We blocked their top-priority draft law — an amnesty for corruption-related crimes committed by arms suppliers,” he said. “And Nabu issued a notice of suspicion to deputy prime minister Chernyshov, who belongs to Zelenskyy’s inner circle.”

At the same time, the government reshuffle, which began on Wednesday, has prompted critics to accuse the administration of concentrating power in the hands of a few.

"This is revenge,” Kaleniuk of AntAC said. “They’re using the mobilisation law and wartime secrecy to crush critics, assuming the west is too distracted to notice.”

The moves also come as relations between Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump appear back on track after a dispute in the Oval Office in February and a temporary halt to US military assistance and intelligence sharing.

Trump recently announced he would sell arms to Nato countries, which would pass them to Ukraine. But the US leader has abruptly changed his position on Ukraine and Russia before, and few in Kyiv believe he has pivoted to their side for good.

G7 ambassadors have previously publicly warned Zelenskyy’s administration over governance. But this time, the ambassadors in Kyiv have maintained a public silence, including about the raids on Shabunin and Kubrakov.

US ambassador Bridget Brink resigned in protest against Trump’s policies in April this year. An interim envoy has split time between Kyiv and her permanent post in Cyprus.

“It’s really difficult to be critical of Ukraine” when it was under relentless Russian attack, one ambassador said. Others noted the delicate balance of being critical while also showing support as the war-torn country relies on billions of dollars of western financial and military aid.

A western diplomat in Kyiv who has worked closely with Ukraine’s civil society said the cases of Shabunin and Kubrakov “aren’t isolated events”. “They fit a pattern: critics are being pushed aside, loyalists are shielded.”

“There’s a sense inside Bankova [Ukraine’s presidential office] that the west and especially the US has shifted its focus,” the diplomat said. “That rule of law and good governance no longer matter as much.”

Ukraine’s commitment to democratic reform has been central to securing western backing. But with US political attention turning inward and military aid becoming more transactional, some officials in Kyiv appear willing to test the limits.

Kaleniuk said: “If the institutions meant to enforce checks and balances are turned into political tools, Ukraine risks losing the democratic core it fought to build after 2014.”

sell arms to Nato countries
 
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kherg007

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Which Christopher Miller is this? The one who attended the Jan 6 riots or trumps former acting sec Def?
 

SchlongConery

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@oil&gas 's continues to practice his family tradition of PhD in Russian propaganda here on TERB.

Here is his Babushka Piling Higher and Deeper 🤡 :poop:




 
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Lenny59

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The guy is a tool of the globalist military-industrial complex, no surprise.
 

oil&gas

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NATO is a benefactor of the globalist military-industrial complex.
Green T-Shirt is NATO's janitor.
 

oil&gas

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Ukrainians have lost faith in Zelensky
Owen Matthews


Donald Trump this week boosted Ukraine’s air defences with new Patriot batteries, threatened Vladimir Putin with sanctions if he does not agree to a ceasefire, and even reportedly gave tacit approval to more Ukrainian strikes on Moscow. Trump’s newfound support for Ukraine is a welcome lifeline. The question is whether his help will be enough to stop Russia’s relentless attacks before Ukraine is engulfed in a critical military, political and social crisis that threatens to destroy it from within.

Putin chose war over peace this spring because his spies and generals told him that Ukraine is on the brink of collapse. Alarmingly, they may be right. Ukraine is running out of fighting men, its frontline soldiers are exhausted and US military support has narrowed to focus on air defence. The Kyiv government is racked by corruption scandals and purges, public faith in their future and in their leaders is tanking and pressure to make peace at almost any price is growing.

In many ways the most remarkable thing about the conflict is that Ukraine still fights on despite the merciless and titanic punishment that Russia has meted out on its soldiers, civilians and infrastructure.

‘If the war continues soon there will be no Ukraine left to fight for,’ one former senior official in Zelensky’s administration tells me. They now believe their former boss is ‘prolonging the war to hold on to power’. Even once-staunch pro-Zelensky cheerleaders such as Mariia Berlinska, head of the Aerial Reconnaissance Support Centre, a prominent Ukrainian volunteer movement, express despair. ‘We are hanging over the abyss,’ Berlinska said recently. ‘Ukraine is an expendable pawn in an American game… Trump, Putin, Xi [will] spend us like small change if they need to.’

Ukrainian morale, admirably high for much of the war, is collapsing. Back in October 2022, even after six months of violence and bloodshed, 88 per cent of Ukrainians believed that they would be a ‘flourishing country inside the EU’ within a decade. Now 47 per cent think that ‘Ukraine will be a depopulated country with a ruined economy’. A separate survey found that 70 per cent of Ukrainians also believe their leaders are using the war to enrich themselves.

Nothing is more corrosive to wartime morale than the idea that a nation’s leaders are stealing as its people fight and die. ‘Corruption kills and loses wars,’ says Kyrylo Shevchenko, a former head of Ukraine’s Central Bank, who is in exile in Austria after being charged with corruption in 2023. In recent weeks, Ukraine has been engulfed in corruption scandals. Two deputy prime ministers, minister for national unity Oleksiy Chernyshov and minister for reconstruction Oleksandr Kubrakov, have been investigated for embezzlement and treason. Zelensky has also repeatedly tried to sack Major General Kyrylo Budanov, the head of Ukraine’s military intelligence, allegedly because of his growing popularity. Only pressure from the US embassy in Kyiv prevented the sacking of one of Ukraine’s most popular generals, a serving senior European diplomat with knowledge of the case tells me.

The recent spate of arrests and searches against Zelensky loyalists suggest serious political infighting at the heart of the Kyiv government – and also a reckless readiness to take down prominent critics both inside and outside the state, regardless of how it looks to the outside world. Perhaps the most shocking of all the recent arrests is that of Vitaliy Shabunin, one of Ukraine’s most prominent anti-corruption activists, who has been charged with evading military service and fraud. Shabunin, the chair of the Anti-Corruption Action Centre executive board and a leading watchdog of military corruption, attacked the government soon after this arrest.

‘Taking advantage of the war, Volodymyr Zelensky is taking the first but confident steps towards corrupt authoritarianism,’ Shabunin wrote on Telegram. He has been a critic of a proposed law on defence procurement that would allow the Defence Ministry to exempt chosen companies implementing government contracts from criminal liability.

At the same time, the administration has blocked the appointment of a new independent head of the Bureau of Economic Security, a powerful law enforcement agency with an uncomfortable track record of prosecuting Zelensky’s political opponents.

‘Ukraine has two enemies, two Vladimirs: Zelensky and Putin,’ says a former Ukrainian cabinet minister, once a strong Zelensky supporter. ‘Putin is destroying Ukraine from [the] outside, but Zelensky is destroying it from within by destroying its will to fight and its morale. Human rights are being trampled on, there is pressure against political opponents, rich and influential people who could support opposition are being expropriated and opposition media is silenced. And the irony is that this Putinification of Ukraine is being funded by the West.’

Under the terms of a wartime state of emergency, more than 5,000 Ukrainians have come under sanctions and had their property frozen. The measure, first invented to prevent Russia-connected politicians, media groups and oligarchs from influencing Ukrainian politics, is now widely used to silence opponents of the regime, say critics, as well as to police the media. ‘Sanctions have led to the closure of three YouTube channels belonging to Zelensky’s critics in the past month,’ says Shevchenko. ‘Censorship often shields authoritarian leaders, and unchecked power breeds dictatorship.’



Zelensky’s term of office formally expired in May last year. While many argue it’s unfeasible to hold elections in wartime, there is frustration that Zelensky has exiled key potential opponents and imprisoned and sanctioned others. ‘In May 1940 Churchill invited the leader of the opposition Attlee to be his deputy and united all of parliament in one government,’ notes opposition MP Oleksiy Goncharenko. ‘Zelensky has done the opposite, he is holding on to power by all means possible.’ Goncharenko sparked controversy by comparing Zelensky to Kim Jong-un and Ukraine to North Korea.

Meanwhile, resentment, resistance and anger are rising at aggressive measures taken by the authorities to press-gang military-age men into the army – a process known as ‘busification’. Unlike the Russian army, which is made up of contract soldiers, Ukraine has instituted full mobilisation of men over 26 not engaged in vital civilian work.

Ukraine’s social media is filled with daily videos of men being bundled into vans by recruitment officers, sometimes at gunpoint. Yet many of those forcibly recruited seem to have little desire to fight. In the first six months of this year, Ukraine’s Prosecutor’s Office reported that it had opened 107,672 new criminal cases for desertion. Since 2022 some 230,804 such criminal cases have been instigated, suggesting that more soldiers have deserted the Ukrainian army than there are fighting men in today’s British, French and German armies combined.

Those who remain at the front are exhausted. Mobilised Ukrainian soldiers serve until the end of hostilities, meaning that some have been fighting continuously for three-and-a-half years. A draft law releasing military personnel from service after 36 months was squashed by the government last year for fear that the retiring personnel could not be replaced. No men aged 18 to 60 have been allowed to leave the country since February 2022 without special permission.

Since the Russian invasion, more than 6.8 million Ukrainians have fled the country, with a further eight million internally displaced. That’s equivalent to 40 per cent of its working-age population. Runaway inflation is impoverishing ever-larger swathes of the country. Today 8.8 million people in Ukraine are living below the poverty line, up from six million before the war.

Last week governments and businesses gathered in Rome for the third annual Ukraine Recovery Conference. The centrepiece of the conference was meant to be the unveiling of a multibillion-dollar Ukraine recovery fund that US investment giant BlackRock has been working on since 2022. But earlier this year BlackRock announced that it was shuttering the fund ‘due to a lack of interest’. Germany’s Friedrich Merz, Italy’s Giorgia Meloni and Poland’s Donald Tusk were there to make the usual pledges of support. Yet in terms of concrete aid, the EU was able to rustle up just €2.3 billion – just a drop in the bucket compared with the World Bank’s estimate of $524 billion to restore Ukraine’s infrastructure.

‘All of the political elite understands that Ukraine needs a new system of government to stabilise [the] situation,’ says the former Zelensky cabinet minister. ‘People want to stop living in fear. But instead of asking how to help a transition of power in Ukraine, the EU is closing its eyes.’ Many of Zelensky allies, including some of the country’s top ministers, fear that they could be prosecuted or exiled if they leave power. Zelensky’s team have ‘made many enemies’ in Ukraine’s political class, explains a senior European diplomat who attended the Rome conference. ‘They fear that their future is exile, or jail’ – which, in turn, only increases the ‘temptation to line their pockets while they can’.

Trump’s newly announced Patriot package is welcome news. So are Europe’s continued promises of unwavering support. But none of Ukraine’s allies can really help with the country’s chronic manpower shortage or with the deepening crisis of legitimacy that Zelensky faces. Most worrying of all, no outsiders can reverse the spiral of arrests of former regime loyalists, crackdown on opposition members and shutdown of media outlets that are doing so much to erode Ukrainians’ faith in the war effort and in Zelensky’s leadership.

 

oil&gas

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Ukraine’s the stupidest war in modern history. Darkness is closing in

PETER HITCHENS
19 July 2025

President Trump is not a normal politician. The world is now wandering in a bleak and frightening danger zone.

On July 4, in a phone call with Ukraine’s President Zelensky, Mr Trump asked: ‘Volodymyr, can you hit Moscow? Can you hit St Petersburg too?’

Mr Zelensky replied: ‘Absolutely. We can if you give us the weapons.’

This is not quite true, by the way. Ukraine could not hit Moscow with US missiles at the time, unless it also had the help of US troops and experts. If this thing happened, Russia would view it as an American (and Nato) attack on Moscow. I do not know where that would end. It would be better not to start it.

Should we be afraid that it might happen? It is reasonable.

Mr Trump has flattened or broken many of the restraints which normally keep US presidents from becoming despots or global megalomaniacs. Almost everyone who ought to stand up to him is now afraid of him.

He veers crazily from one policy to another, and the fact that we have now been told that the plan to bomb Moscow is off does not comfort me.

Mr Trump grows keener on war every day. He could, if he wished, have stopped Israel bombing Tehran. He could, if he wished, halt the nightmare Israeli war in Gaza.

He must know that his stealth bombing of Iran failed in its main aim. Iran still has a nuclear programme, so he will soon have to decide whether to do it again.

This is all so stupid. Anyone who was really concerned about Ukraine and its people would be trying to end the war, not to expand it. Darkness is closing in on President Zelensky. Ukraine has suffered appalling casualties, still secret. The country is entangled in corruption scandals even greater than normal.

Mr Zelensky’s political opponents are increasingly being silenced by lawless methods, sanctions and security purges. Media criticism is strangled. Millions have left the country. Millions more are refugees within it. The economy is a ruin and living standards fall as inflation rises.

Press gangs roam the streets, seizing young men and bundling them off to army service. Many then desert.

I’m not going over all this again, except to defy liars by pointing out that I condemned the Russian invasion from the start and still do. What I also said was that Ukraine was being used by others, who did not care about the country or its people.

They turned it into a battering ram, so they could have a war with Russia without actually fighting themselves.

I rather think events have proved my point.

The last thing we need now is to pour petrol on the glowing embers of the stupidest war in modern history.

 
Ashley Madison
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