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Iran may be where the US-led world order ends

oil&gas

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Apr 16, 2002
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Ghawar
MARCH 14, 2026

In his monumental work “The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire”, historian Edward Gibbon argued that empires rarely collapse suddenly. Their decline is usually gradual, shaped by long-term structural changes.

Yet, history occasionally records moments when a single strategic miscalculation accelerates the process. The question worth asking is whether the United States may have approached such a moment.

The joint US–Israeli strike against Iran in February 2026 has triggered intense debate among scholars and policy observers. Military conflicts in West Asia are not unusual, but this particular episode may carry consequences far beyond the immediate battlefield. Some analysts have drawn parallels with the 1956 Suez Crisis, when Britain and France attempted to seize the Suez Canal after Egypt nationalized it.

Although the operation initially succeeded militarily, it collapsed politically after the US forced its European allies to withdraw. The crisis revealed that Britain could no longer act as an independent global power and symbolized the end of its imperial dominance.

Today, Iran strike could represent a comparable geopolitical inflection point. For more than seven decades, the US has anchored the global order, not only through military power but also through institutions, rules, and economic arrangements that have structured the post–Second World War international system. Many countries, including emerging powers, expanded economically within this framework.

China’s rise as a manufacturing powerhouse and Russia’s growing integration into global markets both occurred largely within an economic system shaped by American leadership. The legitimacy of US leadership, therefore, rested not only on strength but on the perception that the system it created produced stability and shared economic benefits. Nowhere was this arrangement more strategically important than in West Asia.

Foundations of US leadership in West Asia

West Asia has long been one of the most volatile regions in global politics. Since the creation of Israel in 1948, recurring conflicts between Israel and Arab states, along with sectarian rivalries and civil wars, have produced persistent instability. Yet the region also possesses vast oil reserves, making its political stability essential to the functioning of the global economy.

To manage this strategic environment, the US developed a security and energy framework that became central to its global influence. Beginning in the 1970s, Washington offered security guarantees to Gulf monarchies such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.

In return, these states agreed to price and trade oil primarily in US dollars. This arrangement, commonly known as the petrodollar system, reinforced the central role of the US dollar in global finance while ensuring reliable energy supplies.

The relationship functioned as a strategic bargain. Gulf states received security protection in a region marked by geopolitical rivalry, while the United States secured both energy stability and financial influence.

Over time, this arrangement helped sustain economic development across the Gulf and strengthened Washington’s position as the primary external power shaping regional security.

Iran, however, has long stood outside this system. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, relations between Tehran and Washington deteriorated sharply. Iran positioned itself as a challenger to US influence and developed networks of regional alliances with actors such as Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis. These relationships deepened tensions across the region and reinforced the reliance of Gulf monarchies on US security guarantees.

For decades, American strategy in West Asia rested on three pillars: containing Iran, maintaining the petrodollar system and guaranteeing the security of Gulf partners. This framework allowed Washington to shape regional dynamics while sustaining its broader global leadership.

Why the regional order may be fracturing

Recent developments, however, suggest that the foundations of this system are weakening. The February 2026 strike on Iran has raised serious questions about both the credibility and sustainability of US leadership in the region.

One major concern relates to diplomatic trust. Reports indicate that negotiations between the US and Iran were ongoing in Oman when the first strike occurred. Launching a military attack during diplomatic engagement risks undermining confidence in negotiation processes. In international diplomacy, credibility remains a crucial resource, even among strategic rivals.

The legitimacy of the operation has also been widely debated. The strike reportedly lacked formal authorization from the US Congress and did not receive approval from the United Nations Security Council. Actions that bypass established international mechanisms inevitably raise questions about the rules governing the use of force and the consistency of the international order.

More importantly, the regional consequences have highlighted growing vulnerabilities. Iran’s retaliatory actions have targeted infrastructure and strategic locations associated with Gulf states. For these governments, the episode raises a fundamental question: if the US cannot shield them from regional escalation, can it still serve as a reliable security guarantor?

These concerns have been developing gradually. In recent years, Gulf states have increasingly diversified their strategic relationships. China’s expanding economic presence in the region has created alternative partnerships that were previously limited. Through large-scale investments, infrastructure projects and energy cooperation, Beijing has steadily strengthened its position as a major economic actor in West Asia.

China has also begun to play a diplomatic role. The 2023 agreement restoring relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, facilitated by Beijing, demonstrated that alternative diplomatic actors are emerging in a region historically dominated by American mediation.

At the same time, the economic consequences of escalating conflict could extend far beyond the Middle East. Any disruption to the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow maritime passage through which a significant share of global oil shipments pass, would push energy prices sharply higher. Oil prices exceeding US$100 per barrel would generate inflationary pressures across the global economy, affecting both developed and emerging markets.

The broader concern is that the US risks undermining the very system that once sustained its leadership. The post-war order commanded legitimacy because it appeared to promote stability, predictable rules and economic growth. If Washington is increasingly perceived as a destabilizing rather than stabilizing force, the credibility of that leadership may gradually erode.

This dynamic is already visible in the growing interest among many countries in diversifying economic and financial systems. Initiatives within the BRICS grouping aimed at reducing reliance on US-dominated financial institutions reflect a broader search for alternatives to the existing order.

Still, it would be premature to declare the end of American global leadership. The US remains the world’s most powerful military actor and continues to occupy a central position in global finance and technology. Yet hegemonic systems rarely collapse suddenly. More often, they weaken gradually as confidence in the dominant power diminishes.

The debate surrounding the February 2026 strike on Iran reflects precisely this uncertainty. If the credibility of US security guarantees continues to erode in regions that once anchored its influence, the global order may gradually shift toward a more multipolar structure. Emerging powers, regional actors and new economic coalitions will increasingly shape international politics.

Whether the events of 2026 ultimately prove to be a turning point remains uncertain. But history suggests that moments of strategic overreach can accelerate deeper transformations. For the US, the challenge will be whether it can adapt its leadership to a changing world—or risk witnessing the slow erosion and eventual passing of the very order it once built.

 

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After Iran, the World Will Never Be the Same

Andrew Day
Mar 13, 2026

President Donald Trump really screwed up this time. And I’m talking raised-the-chances-of-nuclear-catastrophe levels of screwing-up.

His war with Iran has sent energy markets into turmoil, creating “the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market,” according to the International Energy Agency. It has ignited a regional conflagration featuring successful Iranian strikes on Israel, Gulf countries, U.S. military assets, and American troops. Gulf Arab capitals are growing resentful of the White House for having initiated the war, and they are questioning the value of security ties with Washington.

The Trump administration is failing to achieve its war aims, to the extent that anybody can decipher what they are. Trump initially had said he wanted to spread “freedom” to Iran, but so far, the U.S. and Israel are spreading apocalyptic scenes of mass devastation—and without managing to collapse the regime. Senior U.S. and Israeli officials are ready to deescalate, and Trump himself may want to declare victory and get out, but Tehran gets a vote as to when this war ends.

The analysts whom I trust fear an escalation doom spiral.

To be sure, supporters of the war can point to military achievements, such as the strikes last weekend that killed high-ranking officials, including the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. But the Islamic Republic survived, and this Monday, Iran’s Assembly of Experts appointed Khamenei’s hardline son Mojtaba to succeed him. Killing the old Khamenei during Ramadan, the Muslim holy month, has turned him into a martyr and rallied the regime’s supporters. Worse, the new Khamenei seems to be in no mood for compromise, having just lost his parents, wife, a son, other relatives, and possibly a limb in U.S. and Israeli strikes.

And even the successful decapitation of Iran’s leadership wasn’t the PR coup the White House hoped for. It was overshadowed by U.S. strikes the same day on an all-girls elementary school that killed upwards of 160 civilians, mostly children. Even pro-Trump Iran hawks like Laura Ingraham of Fox News are demanding answers.

And while the immediate costs of the war so far—including at least seven dead U.S. troops and as many as 150 more wounded—are obvious, and while these early phases of fighting will probably continue to be grim, matters will only worsen if the conflict drags on. The U.S. and its allies are running low on interceptors needed to blast missiles and drones out of the sky. And despite relentless U.S. and Israeli bombing, Iran has retained the ability to continue lobbing its missiles and drones across the region.

Moreover, the second-order effects and longer-term consequences of the war will destabilize the international order, perhaps irreparably. U.S. allies and adversaries alike discern that the world has entered an era of Machtpolitik, of power politics governed by an ethos of “might makes right.”

The spectacle of two nuclear-armed powers attacking a state that doesn’t have nukes already has contributed to nuclear proliferation. “The clear lesson coming out of this for countries that are not friends of the United States would be: get a nuclear weapon,” Middle East expert Rosemary Kelanic told The American Conservative.

North Korea’s dictator Kim Jong-un last week observed the launching of a cruise missile from the kind of warship that Pyongyang seeks to arm with nuclear weapons. “Kim must have thought Iran was attacked like that because it didn’t have nuclear weapons,” said a former South Korean defense official. The Iranian government itself surely sees things the same way, which experts warn will motivate Tehran to build nuclear weapons after the war.

Even historic allies of the U.S. are looking to increase their nuclear defenses. Two days after the war kicked off, France’s President Emmanuel Macron announced that France would produce more nuclear warheads for the first time in decades. “To be free, we have to be feared,” Macron declared during the announcement.

Not just nuclear proliferation, but even the actual use of nuclear weapons in combat, is disturbingly possible. I’ve warned that Israel might nuke Iran out of desperation if Iranian ballistic missiles rain down on its small territory. Some American foreign policy experts, including Arta Moeini of the Institute for Peace and Diplomacy, see another pathway to nuclear escalation.

“The United States could escalate through Israel or by itself to tactical nukes, as this one last Hail Mary of trying to get Iran to capitulate,” Moeini said in the latest episode of TAC’s weekly podcast. (So-called tactical nukes are less explosive than “strategic” nuclear weapons but still roughly as destructive as the bombs the U.S. dropped on Japan during the Second World War.)

The “nuclear taboo” is one major reason, according to political scientists, that no state leader has pushed the big red button since 1945. If that taboo gets broken in the Iran war, then world affairs will get darker and much more dangerous.

Whether or not we ever see mushroom clouds in Iran, the U.S. will have trouble navigating the new world disorder with the normal tools of diplomacy—because America’s diplomatic credibility is shot. That’s what happens when a nation uses negotiations as a ploy before attacking a state that had signaled openness to making a deal, as the Trump administration seems to have done three times now (twice with Iran, once with Venezuela)

After the latest spectacle of diplomatic duplicity played out between the U.S. and Iran in February, Russian elites adopted a different, much more cynical view of Trump’s efforts to resolve the Ukraine war. “Negotiations with the Americans seem almost pointless,” writes the Russian analyst Fyodor Lukyanov in a recent piece. “The end result always demands surrender or exposes itself as a diplomatic simulation that merely prepares the violent solution.” Other Russian elites have expressed the same sentiment, which I’ve heard is widespread in Moscow including at the Kremlin.

Lukyanov told TAC that Moscow may still engage with U.S. mediation to end the war in Ukraine, but that “the Iranian experience will not be left unnoticed,” especially since the same American negotiators handle both the Russia–Ukraine and Iran portfolios. “In general, one can say that the chance to reach a negotiated solution has decreased now.”

In other ways, too, the U.S.–Israeli operations undermine longstanding international norms, including one that world leaders, understandably, have cherished. “I do think one of the underappreciated long-tail impacts of the Iran war may be the choice to violate the effective norm against the assassination of heads of state,” writes foreign policy expert Emma Ashford on X. Trump seems cavalier about this danger. “I got him before he got me,” he bragged after Khamenei’s assassination, alluding to (questionable) claims that Iran’s government plotted to assassinate him.

 
Ashley Madison
Toronto Escorts