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Iraq Elects a New Speaker - Eventually...

Jan 24, 2004
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The Vegetative State
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/3BB6FF05-109D-4A43-81AE-D49EB03F851C.htm

First, let me just note that this is likely the last thread I'm going to be posting for a while. I'm afraid I'll be away for most of the summer, except for short intervals. My access to the Intarweb will be limited, and what access I'll have - well, let's just saying I'm leary of getting TERB's cookies any place they might be discovered by...certain parties I would rather not have discovering them.

Ahem.

Now, to the subject at hand. Iraq's National Assembly finally has a speaker. While this development, coming just about two months after the elections, will no doubt be touted as yet another step in the unstoppable march of freedom, those of us canny enough might take a moment to reflect.

Political and ethnic divisions are alive and well in Iraq - of course, they are alive and well everywhere, but rarely do they direct politics to the level they are in this "emerging democracy". Iraq's hastily concocted electoral system did several things - it virtually ensured that ethnic divisions within the country would become reified within the political system, and secondly they also virtually ensured that parties lukewarm to America - and democracy - would come into power. American influence has succeeded only in giving Kurds an ever so slight upper hand within the new regiem - as Kurds are most likely to tow any American line. Because, no doubt, of the vicissitudes of the occupation, some unavoidable, some unquestionably not, the Shites rejected Allawi, who though distinctly autocratic in personality was at least likely to do what America wanted - and America does not want, make no mistake, a theocracy. But the semi-theocratic Shite parties which hold the greatest leaverage now - they would have had more leverage had there not been some passing attempt at resticting their power through "federalism" (how do you have federalism without a federation?) have made no commitment to democractic principals. They have only "committed" to being less a theocracy than Iran - oh, joy. Mission Accomplished.

There are two inter-related problems here. The first is Iraq's need for self-determination, and the second is the need for democracy. The one, we know, does not lead to the other - Iraqis may whole-heartedly vote away their democratic rights. There are parties all over the Middle East wanting to replace autocratic with theocratic regiems - and they must undoubtedly look at Iraq and salivate.

The second problem is Iraq's future as a client state, which it will undoubtedly be, even long after the troops leave. The future of American credibility rests now within Iraqi hands - and this is a dangerous position for any power to be in. Castro nearly drove the Soviets to war with the States. What concesions with the States make to the new power in Bhagdad to save face?

The same infantile logic that declared "Sadaam is gone, therefore life has improved for the ordinary citizen in Iraq and the world is safer" is now loudly declaring "There have been elections in Iraq, therefore Iraq is a democracy". This logic is being treated with a level of credulity never before accorded to the Bush administration. I wonder sometimes when Rummy or one of his cohorts declare that democracy takes time if they are really listening to what they are saying. Yes, democracy took decades to take root in America. And it wasn't always a sure thing - if it hadn't been for men of deep, deep committment to democracy like George Washington, who refused to become King of America - the American revoltion might have gone the way of the French Revolution. So why is two years long enough to establish democracy in Iraq - no, the better question is, in the absence of any Washingtons, and plenty of would-be Robbespierres and Napoleons (and Khomenis), why is it a sure thing at all?
 
Jan 24, 2004
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The Vegetative State
I'd also like to draw everybody's attention to this excellent review article by Rory Stewart: http://www.lrb.co.uk/v27/n07/stew01_.html

Stewart is a British diplomat, fluent in Arabic, who worked with the CPA in Iraq. A few of his more salient points:

No foreigner really knows what is going on in Iraq...I certainly don’t know what is going on in Iraq. In January, I sat in the military airport in Kuwait staring at razor wire, tents, humvees and a green plastic portaloo and wondered what it would feel like to land back in Baghdad. I boarded a noisy military transport plane and flew to a gravel wasteland surrounded by razor wire, humvees and brown portaloos. Only the sand in the wind indicated I was in Baghdad not Kabul.

[...]

Things are not much better when organisations rely on middle-class or English-speaking Iraqis for information. It is not only Ahmed Chalabi who proved to have little idea about the situation in Iraq. Saddam’s regime worked hard to fragment and isolate the population. Religious sheikhs in Karbala do not know how to assess the influence of a tribal sheikh; Baghdad intellectuals don’t understand the status of the mirjaiya, the most senior Shia clerics, such as Sistani. Giving hundreds of thousands of dollars to engineers and doctors in Basra to speak on behalf of Marsh Arabs is like hiring a London investment banker to represent the unemployed in Glasgow.

And who has the background knowledge to develop a nuanced and comprehensive picture of the structures of Iraqi society? Or the incentive? Journalists are employed to produce readable stories. Development agencies are rewarded for spending and auditing. The military are charged with security. The ambitious are interested in playing the system, impressing bosses and laying the foundations for their post-Iraq careers. Foreigners in Iraq may work hard and take risks, but they are not prepared to sacrifice their future in order to understand and transform the country.

The gap between the way foreigners talk about Iraq and the reality is monstrous. Our political vocabulary – ‘rogue states’, ‘nation-building intervention’, ‘WMD’, ‘neo-imperialism’, ‘terrorism’ – is useless. Does anyone know how to govern Iraq, or what the country will look like in five years’ time, or what effect this will have on the international system?

Critics are no better informed than members of the administration. Many authorities on Iraq have spent little or no time there. The most to be hoped for of a foreigner’s book published today would be the equivalent of an account of Britain written by a non-English-speaking Arab who had spent 18 months in the country, unable to travel freely. But the generals, the journalists, the academics, the politicians (Iraqi or foreign), the diplomats and the aid workers rarely admit that they have almost no idea what Iraq is like or is going to be like. Everyone is an expert.

[...]

[Feldman, author of one of the books under review] is wrong to assume that ‘the vast majority of Iraqis want . . . the equal treatment of all Iraqis regardless of sex, religion and so forth.’ In the latest election, the majority of Iraqis voted for parties which did not favour such things. On the national level, the victorious Sistani faction seems relatively certain to implement traditional Shia property laws, which would limit women’s inheritance to half that of men. In Maysan, the winning Sadr-backed party is not only in favour of requiring women to wear headscarves and banning the public sale of alcohol (neither is part of the social practices of the minority religious groups) but also quietly in favour of a government supervised by clerics.

An Islamic society in Iraq emerging from an authoritarian state will have few of the substantive ingredients associated with a democracy in the developed world. There are strong ethnic and religious tensions. Civil society, trust in government and the rule of law are almost absent. The media and the judiciary are weak, and ideas of civil liberty poorly developed. Security has collapsed. The Sadrist party in the sheikh’s province runs a heavily armed militia, which tortures and murders its opponents. The necessity of establishing security may encourage the government to suspend democratic rights. Iraq today is still a hollow democracy, consisting of little more than elections.
This concept of a "hollow democracy" interests me greatly. But as Rory says, he doesn't know what's going on in Iraq - nobody does, not even the Iraqis. And if they don't, I certainly don't. If I am being pessimistic, fine - the truth will out. But I note the cautious point of view Stewart is advocating is utterly, utterly absent from British, Canadian and American media.

The point is, at what point does taking democracy for granted in Iraq become dangerous?
 

Mcluhan

New member
Drunken Master said:
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/3BB6FF05-109D-4A43-81AE-D49EB03F851C.htm

First, let me just note that this is likely the last thread I'm going to be posting for a while. I'm afraid I'll be away for most of the summer, except for short intervals.

Castro nearly drove the Soviets to war with the States. What concesions with the States make to the new power in Bhagdad to save face?
This is a good point. And then there is Israel. Imagine if Russia had of been parenting two sibblings like a Cane and Abel...

Here's looking to the fall when the intellectual flavour you bring to this forum returns.
 
Jan 24, 2004
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The Vegetative State
Mcluhan said:
This is a good point. And then there is Israel. Imagine if Russia had of been parenting two sibblings like a Cane and Abel...

Here's looking to the fall when the intellectual flavour you bring to this forum returns.
Hey, thanks. Keep fighting the good fight, chum.
 

onthebottom

Never Been Justly Banned
Jan 10, 2002
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Bring a laptop, not that we'll be short of such dooms-day analysis of good news.

OTB
 
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